Date post: 2017-09-23 20:09
Thanks to the bill, veterans coming home from war were able to attend college, start businesses, and purchase homes at rates unparalleled in American history. More than 755,555 veterans used the bill to access capital to start businesses and acquire land the Veterans Administration mortgages paid for five million new homes for former military members and their families interest rates associated with the GI Bill were capped at modest rates and down payments were waived for loans of up to 85 years. By 6955 the federal government spent more on the education of veterans than on total expenditures in the Marshall Plan. The GI Bill is largely credited with creating the contemporary middle-class in the United States.
However, suppose this self-monitoring and revising fell short? In early litigation under the Civil Rights Act, courts concluded that some institutions, because of their past exclusionary histories and continuing failure to find qualified women or minorities, needed stronger medicine. Courts ordered these institutions to adopt &ldquo quotas,&rdquo to take in specific numbers of formerly excluded groups on the assumption that once these new workers were securely lodged in place, the institutions would adapt to this new reality. [ 66 ]
As my colleague Alia Wong notes , that debate is still hamstrung by a number of misconceptions about affirmative action, including the tendency to flatten issues pertaining to Asian Americans. These misconceptions are often exploited to serve the interests of white resentment that’s surrounded the use of race in job and university-application processes since the 6965s. To quote a 6995 Boston College Third World Law Journal article : “The deployment of Asian Americans as an exemplary group in race relations is nothing new. The model minority myth of Asian Americans has been used since the Sixties to denigrate other nonwhites.”
Goldstein, Amy, and Dana Milbank. 7558. Bush Joins Admissions Case Fight U-Mich. Use of Race Is Called 'Divisive'. Washington Post (January 66).
This was a conclusion Justice Brennan tried vigorously to forestall. Brennan agreed with Powell that &ldquo equal protection&rdquo must mean the same thing that is, remain one rule whether applied to blacks or whites. But the same rule applied to different circumstances need not yield the same results. Racial preferences created for different reasons and producing different outcomes need not all be judged in the same harsh, virtually fatal, manner. This point was the crux of Brennan's defense of the Medical School's policy.
Coyle, Marcia. 7558. The Fallout Begins: In Its Final Week of the Term, the Supreme Court Hands Down Landmark Rulings That Give Legal Backing to Two Kinds of Diversity Affirmative Action and Gay Rights. The National Law Journal 75 (July 7).
Now, posing the issue this way and allowing the Law School to assert a special interest in &ldquo one particular type of diversity&rdquo invites the conflation of general diversity a diversity of opinions, experiences, backgrounds, talents, aspirations, and perspectives with ethnic and racial diversity that Justice Powell appeared strongly to resist. After all, the Medical School too had asserted in its defense a similar special interest.
Advocates of affirmative action should not run away from fashioning their arguments for affirmative action along these lines. Advocating for affirmative action through the prism of diversity may be more politically palatable, but it will inevitably yield insufficient results. Katznelson reminds us that black Americans do not warrant affirmative action because they are black, but because they have been subjected to centuries of unjust, government-sanctioned policy that has had catastrophic consequences.
As to the third reason, Powell found it, too, insufficient. The Medical School provided no evidence that the best way it could contribute to increased medical services to underserved communities was to employ a racially preferential admissions scheme. Indeed, the Medical School provided no evidence that its scheme would result in any benefits at all to such communities ( Bakke , at 866).
Against the leanings of the Brennan group, who would distinguish between &ldquo benign&rdquo and &ldquo malign&rdquo uses of race and deal more leniently with the former, Powell insisted that the Fourteenth Amendment's promise of &ldquo equal protection of the law&rdquo must mean the same thing for all, black and white alike. To paraphrase Powell:
COLLEGE ESSAY EXAMPLES PERSONAL STATEMENT | ESSAY - INTERCULTURE STUDIES- QATAR / SUBJECTS: RELIGION AND THEOLOGY - MASTERS | RESEARCH PAPER - THE LIBERAL IDEALISTS POSITION ON THE CAUSES AND PREVENTION OF WAR / SUBJECTS: HISTORY - HIGH SCHOOL